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Dissolution of the multiethnic (1918) In, during the 18th century, the classic non-national states were the multiethnic, the,,, the, the, the and smaller nations at what would now be called sub-state level. The multi-ethnic empire was a ruled by a king,. The population belonged to many ethnic groups, and they spoke many languages. Download Diccionario Maria Moliner Pdf To Excel.
The empire was dominated by one ethnic group, and their language was usually the language of public administration. The ruling was usually, but not always, from that group. This type of state is not specifically European: such empires existed on all continents, except Australia and Antarctica. Some of the smaller European states were not so ethnically diverse, but were also states, ruled by a. Their territory could expand by or merge with another state when the dynasty merged. In some parts of Europe, notably, very small territorial units existed. They were recognised by their neighbours as independent, and had their own government and laws.
Some were ruled by or other hereditary rulers, some were governed. Because they were so small, however, they had no separate language or culture: the inhabitants shared the language of the surrounding region. In some cases these states were simply overthrown by nationalist uprisings in the 19th century.
Liberal ideas of played a role in German unification, which was preceded by a, the. However, the, and the German alliances in the, were decisive in the unification. The and the broke up after the, and the became the after the. A few of the smaller states survived: the independent principalities of,,, and the republic of. ( is a special case. All of the larger save the Vatican itself were occupied and absorbed by Italy by 1870. The resulting was resolved with the rise of the modern state under the 1929 between and the.) Characteristics [ ].
This section needs additional citations for. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (October 2015) () 'Legitimate states that govern effectively and dynamic industrial economies are widely regarded today as the defining characteristics of a modern nation-state.' Nation states have their own characteristics, differing from those of the pre-national states. For a start, they have a different attitude to their territory when compared with dynastic monarchies: it is semisacred and nontransferable. No nation would swap territory with other states simply, for example, because the king's daughter married. They have a different type of, in principle defined only by the area of settlement of the national group, although many nation states also sought natural borders (rivers, mountain ranges).
They are constantly changing in population size and power because of the limited restrictions of their borders. The most noticeable characteristic is the degree to which nation states use the state as an instrument of national unity, in economic, social and cultural life.
The nation state promoted economic unity, by abolishing internal and. In Germany, that process, the creation of the, preceded formal national unity. Nation states typically have a policy to create and maintain a national transportation infrastructure, facilitating trade and travel. In 19th-century Europe, the expansion of the networks was at first largely a matter for railway companies, but gradually came under control of the national governments. The French rail network, with its main lines radiating from Paris to all corners of France, is often seen as a reflection of the centralised French nation state, which.
Nation states continue to build, for instance, specifically national networks. Specifically transnational infrastructure programmes, such as the, are a recent innovation. The nation states typically had a more centralised and uniform than its imperial predecessors: they were smaller, and the population less diverse. (The internal diversity of the, for instance, was very great.) After the 19th-century triumph of the nation state in Europe, regional identity was subordinate to national identity, in regions such as,, and. In many cases, the regional administration was also subordinated to central (national) government.
This process was partially reversed from the 1970s onward, with the introduction of various forms of, in formerly states such as. The most obvious impact of the nation state, as compared to its non-national predecessors, is the creation of a uniform national, through state policy. The model of the nation state implies that its population constitutes a, united by a common descent, a common language and many forms of shared culture. When the implied unity was absent, the nation state often tried to create it. It promoted a uniform national language, through. The creation of national systems of compulsory and a relatively uniform in secondary schools, was the most effective instrument in the spread of the. The schools also taught the national history, often in a, and (especially during conflicts) some nation states still teach this kind of history.
Language and cultural policy was sometimes negative, aimed at the suppression of non-national elements. Language were sometimes used to accelerate the adoption of national languages and the decline of (see examples:,,,,,,,,, ). In some cases, these policies triggered bitter conflicts and further ethnic. But where it worked, the cultural uniformity and homogeneity of the population increased. Conversely, the cultural divergence at the border became sharper: in theory, a uniform French identity extends from the Atlantic coast to the, and on the other bank of the Rhine, a uniform German identity begins. To enforce that model, both sides have divergent and educational systems.
In practice [ ]. This section possibly contains. Please by the claims made and adding. Statements consisting only of original research should be removed. (May 2016) () In some cases, the geographic boundaries of an ethnic population and a political state largely coincide.
In these cases, there is little or, few members of ethnic minorities, and few members of the 'home' ethnicity living in other countries. Examples of nation states where ethnic groups make up more than 85% of the population include the following: •: The vast majority of the population is ethnically at about 98.6% of the population, with the remainder consisting of a few small ethnic minorities.
•: The vast majority of Armenia's population consists of ethnic at about 98% of the population, with the remainder consisting of a few small ethnic minorities. •: The vast majority ethnic group of Bangladesh are the, comprising 98% of the population, with the remainder consisting of mostly migrants and indigenous tribal groups.
Therefore, Bangladeshi society is to a great extent linguistically and culturally homogeneous, with very small populations of foreign expatriates and workers, although there is a substantial number of Bengali workers living abroad. • China: The vast majority of China's population is Han, making up 92% of the population.. Han population is geographically distributed on the eastern side of China. Also have very small percentage of Turks, Tibetans, Mongols and others. •: The vast majority of Egypt's population consists of ethnic at about 99% of the population, with the remainder consisting of a few small ethnic minorities, as well as refugees or asylum seekers.
Modern Egyptian identity is closely tied to the and; its development over the centuries saw overlapping or conflicting ideologies. Though today an Arab people, that aspect constitutes for Egyptians a cultural dimension of their identity, not a necessary attribute of or prop for their national political being. Today most Egyptians see themselves, their history, culture and language () as specifically Egyptian and at the same time as part of the. •: Defined as a nation state in its 1920, [ ] up until the period of Soviet colonialisation, Estonia was historically a very homogenous state with 88.2% of residents being, 8.2%, 1.5% and 0.4% according to the 1934 census. As a result of Soviet policies the demographic situation significantly changed with the arrival of Russian speaking settlers.
Today form 69%, 25.4%, 2.04% and 1.1% of the population (2012). A significant proportion of the inhabitants (84.1%) are citizens of, around 7.3% are citizens of and 7.0% as yet undefined citizenship (2010). •: 91.6% of the permanent residents are ethnic Greek; the remaining 911929 inhabitants consist of immigrants from Albania (480,824), Bulgaria (75,915), Romania (46,253), former USSR (70,000), Western Europe (77,000) and the rest of the world (161,937). •: The (or Magyar) people consist of about 95% of the population, with a small and minority: see.
•: Although the inhabitants are ethnically related to other Scandinavian groups, the national culture and language are found only in Iceland. There are no cross-border minorities as the nearest land is too far away: see. An people from (between 1863 and early 1870s).
•: Japan is also traditionally seen as an example of a nation state and also the largest of the nation states, with population in excess of 120 million. It should be noted that Japan has a small number of minorities such as, and, and on the northern island of, the indigenous minority.
However, they are either numerically insignificant (Ainu), their difference is not as pronounced (though Ryukyuan culture is closely related to Japanese culture, it is nonetheless distinctive in that it historically received much more influence from China and has separate political and nonpolitical and religious traditions) or well assimilated ( population is collapsing due to assimilation/naturalisation). •: The comprise about 95% of the population, with the remainder consisting of a few small ethnic minorities, as well as refugees or asylum seekers. Modern Lebanese identity is closely tied to the and.
Although they are now an Arab people and ethnically homogeneous, its identity oversees overlapping or conflicting ideologies between its heritage and heritage. While many Lebanese regard themselves as Arab, some Lebanese Christians, especially the Maronites, regard themselves, their history, and their culture as Phoenician and not Arab, while still other Lebanese regard themselves as both. •: Lesotho's ethno-linguistic structure consists almost entirely of the (singular Mosotho), a Bantu-speaking people; about 99.7% of the population are Basotho. •: The vast majority of the population is ethnically at about 98% of the population, with the remainder consisting of foreign workers; there are no indigenous ethnic minorities. •: The vast majority of the population is ethnically at about 95.3% of the population, with the remainder consisting of a few small ethnic minorities. •: The vast majority of the population is ethnically at about 95.0% of the population, with the remainder consisting of a few ethnic minorities included in Kazakhs. • and are among the most ethnically and linguistically homogeneous in the world.
Particularly in reclusive North Korea, there are very few ethnic minority groups and expatriate foreigners. •: After, with the genocide of the by the invading during the, the and the loss of eastern territories (), 96.7% of the people of claim, while 97.8% declare that they speak at home (Census 2002. • Several countries such as,,, etc. [ ] •: Although surrounded by other lands and people, the Portuguese has occupied the same territory since the of the native population during the era. The modern is a very old amalgam of formerly distinct historical populations that passed through and settled in the territory of modern Portugal: native Iberian peoples,, ancient Mediterraneans (,,, ), invading like the and the, and and.
Most Berber/Arab people and the Jews were expelled from the during the and the repopulation. •: The Sammarinese make up about 97% of the population and all speak and are ethnically and linguistically identical to. San Marino is a landlocked enclave, completely surrounded by Italy. The state has a population of approximately 30,000, including 1,000 foreigners, most of whom are Italians. •: The vast majority of the population is ethnically at about 98.6% of the population, with the remainder consisting of a few small ethnic minorities.
The notion of a unifying 'national identity' also extends to countries that host multiple ethnic or language groups, such as. For example, is constitutionally a confederation of, and has four official languages, but it has also a 'Swiss' national identity, a national history and a classic national hero,. Innumerable conflicts have arisen where political boundaries did not correspond with ethnic or cultural boundaries. After World War II in the era, nationalism was appealed to for uniting peoples. Later in the 20th century, after the break-up of the Soviet Union, leaders appealed to ancient ethnic feuds or tensions that ignited conflict between the, and, as well, and, eventually breaking up the long collaboration of peoples.
Ethnic cleansing was carried out in the Balkans, resulting in the destruction of the formerly and producing the civil wars in in 1992–95, resulting in mass population displacements and segregation that radically altered what was once a highly diverse and intermixed ethnic makeup of the region. These conflicts were largely about creating a new political framework of states, each of which would be ethnically and politically homogeneous. Serbians, Croatians and Bosnians insisted they were ethnically distinct although many communities had a long history of intermarriage. Presently (89% Slovene), (90.4% Croat) and (83% Serb) could be classified as nation states per se, whereas (66% Macedonian), (42% Montenegrin) and (50.1% Bosniak) are multinational states. Ethnolinguistic map of mainland China and Taiwan is a classic example of a state that is not a nation state. The state was formed by from the in 1830, whose neutrality and integrity was protected by the; thus it served as a after the Napoleonic Wars between the European powers, (after 1871 the ) and the until, when its neutrality was breached by the Germans. Currently, Belgium is divided between the in the north and the or the German-speaking population in the south.
The population in the north speaks Dutch, the population in the south speaks or German. The Brussels population speaks French or Dutch. The Flemish identity is also cultural, and there is a strong separatist movement espoused by the political parties, the right-wing and the. The Francophone identity of Belgium is linguistically distinct and. There is also unitary, several versions of a ideal, and a annexed from in 1920, and re-annexed by Germany in 1940–1944.
However these ideologies are all very marginal and politically insignificant during elections. Covers a large geographic area and uses the concept of ' or Chinese nationality, in the sense of, but it also officially recognizes the majority ethnic group which accounts for over 90% of the population, and no fewer than 55. According to Philip G. Roeder, is an example of a Soviet era 'segment-state' (), where the 'nation-state project of the segment-state trumped the nation-state project of prior statehood.
In Moldova, despite strong agitation from university faculty and students for reunification with, the nation-state project forged within the Moldavian SSR trumped the project for a return to the interwar nation-state project of.' See for further details.
Exceptional cases [ ] United Kingdom [ ]. This section does not any. Unsourced material may be challenged and.
(October 2015) () The most obvious deviation from the ideal of 'one nation, one state' is the presence of minorities, especially, which are clearly not members of the majority nation. An ethnic nationalist definition of a is necessarily exclusive: ethnic nations typically do not have open membership.
In most cases, there is a clear idea that surrounding nations are different, and that includes members of those nations who live on the 'wrong side' of the border. Historical examples of groups who have been specifically singled out as outsiders are the and in Europe. Negative responses to minorities within the nation state have ranged from enforced by the state, to, persecution, violence, and. The assimilation policies are usually enforced by the state, but violence against minorities is not always state initiated: it can occur in the form of such as. Nation states are responsible for some of the worst historical examples of violence against minorities not considered part of the nation. However, many nation states accept specific minorities as being part of the nation, and the term national minority is often used in this sense.
The in Germany are an example: for centuries they have lived in German-speaking states, surrounded by a much larger ethnic German population, and they have no other historical territory. They are now generally considered to be part of the German nation and are accepted as such by the Federal Republic of Germany, which constitutionally guarantees their cultural rights. Of the thousands of ethnic and cultural minorities in nation states across the world, only a few have this level of acceptance and protection. Is an official policy in many states, establishing the ideal of peaceful existence among multiple ethnic, cultural, and linguistic groups. Many nations have laws protecting.
When national boundaries that do not match ethnic boundaries are drawn, such as in the and, ethnic tension, massacres and even, sometimes has occurred historically (see, and ). Irredentism [ ]. The Greater German Empire under in 1943 Ideally, the border of a nation state extends far enough to include all the members of the nation, and all of the national. Again, in practice some of them always live on the 'wrong side' of the border.
Part of the national homeland may be there too, and it may be governed by the 'wrong' nation. The response to the non-inclusion of territory and population may take the form of: demands to annex unredeemed territory and incorporate it into the nation state. Irredentist claims are usually based on the fact that an identifiable part of the national group lives across the border.
However, they can include claims to territory where no members of that nation live at present, because they lived there in the past, the national language is spoken in that region, the national culture has influenced it, geographical unity with the existing territory, or a wide variety of other reasons. Past grievances are usually involved and can cause. It is sometimes difficult to distinguish irredentism from, since both claim that all members of an ethnic and cultural nation belong in one specific state. Pan-nationalism is less likely to specify the nation ethnically. For instance, variants of have different ideas about what constituted, including the confusing term Grossdeutschland, which, in fact, implied the inclusion of huge minorities from the. Typically, irredentist demands are at first made by members of non-state nationalist movements. When they are adopted by a state, they typically result in tensions, and actual attempts at annexation are always considered a, a cause for.
In many cases, such claims result in long-term hostile relations between neighbouring states. Irredentist movements typically circulate maps of the claimed national territory, the greater nation state.
That territory, which is often much larger than the existing state, plays a central role in their propaganda. Irredentism should not be confused with claims to overseas colonies, which are not generally considered part of the national homeland. Some French overseas colonies would be an exception: unsuccessfully treated the colony as a of France. Future [ ] It has been speculated by both proponents of and various writers that the concept of a nation state may disappear with the ever-increasing interconnectedness of the world. Such ideas are sometimes expressed around concepts of a.
Another possibility is a and move into communal anarchy or, in which nation states no longer exist and government is done on the local level based on a global ethic of. [ ] This falls in line with the concept of, which states that sovereignty is an outdated concept and a barrier to achieving peace and harmony in the world. Globalization especially has helped to bring about the discussion about the disappearance of nation states, as and the rise of the concepts of a ' and a common identity have helped to reduce differences and 'distances' between individual nation states, especially with regards to the internet. Clash of civilizations [ ] The theory of the lies in direct contrast to theories about an ever more-connected world that no longer requires nation states. According to, people's cultural and religious will be the primary source of conflict in the post– world. The theory was originally formulated in a 1992 lecture at the, which was then developed in a 1993 article titled 'The Clash of Civilizations?' , in response to 's 1992 book,.
Huntington later expanded his in a 1996 book The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. Huntington began his thinking by surveying the diverse theories about the nature of global politics in the post– period.
Some theorists and writers argued that, and capitalist economics had become the only remaining ideological alternative for nations in the post–Cold War world. Specifically,, in, argued that the world had reached a 'end of history'.
Huntington believed that while the age of had ended, the world had reverted only to a normal state of affairs characterized by cultural conflict. In his thesis, he argued that the primary axis of conflict in the future will be along cultural and religious lines. As an extension, he posits that the concept of different, as the highest rank of cultural identity, will become increasingly useful in analyzing the potential for conflict.
In the 1993 article, Huntington writes: It is my hypothesis that the fundamental source of conflict in this new world will not be primarily ideological or primarily economic. The great divisions among humankind and the dominating source of conflict will be cultural.
Nation states will remain the most powerful actors in world affairs, but the principal conflicts of global politics will occur between nations and groups of different civilizations. The clash of civilizations will dominate global politics. The fault lines between civilizations will be the battle lines of the future. Sandra Joireman suggests that Huntington may be characterised as a neo-, as, while he sees people as having strong ties to their ethnicity, he does not believe that these ties have always existed. Historiography [ ] Historians often look to the past to find the origins of a particular nation state.
Indeed, they often put so much emphasis on the importance of the nation state in modern times, that they distort the history of earlier periods in order to emphasize the question of origins. Lansing and English argue that much of the medieval history of Europe was structured to follow the historical winners—especially the nation states that emerged around Paris and London. Important developments that did not directly lead to a nation state get neglected, they argue: one effect of this approach has been to privilege historical winners, aspects of medieval Europe that became important in later centuries, above all the nation state. Arguably the liveliest cultural innovation in the 13th century was Mediterranean, centered on 's polyglot court and administration in Palermo.Sicily and the Italian South in later centuries suffered a long slide into overtaxed poverty and marginality. Textbook narratives therefore focus not on medieval Palermo, with its Muslim and Jewish bureaucracies and Arabic-speaking monarch, but on the historical winners, Paris and London.
See also [ ] • • as an alternative to nation states. • • • • • • • References [ ] •. Great Empires, Small Nations.
The Uncertain Future of the Sovereign State.. • Gellner, Ernest (1983). Nations and Nationalism. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.. Waqt 1965 Songs Pk Download. • Hobsbawm, Eric J. Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality. Cambridge University Press..
London: Sage Publications.. • Khan, Ali (1992). (') • Malesevic, Sinisa (2006). Identity as Ideology: Understanding Ethnicity and Nationalism New York: Palgrave. • Smith, Anthony D. The Ethnic Origins of Nations London: Basil Blackwell. • White, Philip L.
'Globalization and the Mythology of the Nation State,' In A.G.Hopkins, ed. Global History: Interactions Between the Universal and the Local Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 257–284.
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